Port-au-Prince, 15 mai 2026. — Le Premier ministre Alix Didier Fils-Aimé et le ministre de l’Éducation nationale, Dr Vijonet Demero, ont rendu un vibrant hommage aux éducateurs haïtiens ce vendredi lors d’une cérémonie officielle à l’Hôtel Karibe. Devant un parterre de diplomates, de syndicalistes et d’élèves, les dirigeants ont salué la résilience du corps enseignant et réaffirmé l’urgence de transformer le système éducatif national.
Le ministre de l’Éducation a rappelé l’importance cruciale des professeurs en déclarant en créole : « Pa gen lekòl san anseyan. Pa gen peyi san fòmatè, san edikatè. » Dr Demero a insisté sur l’alignement des chantiers du ministère avec les priorités de la transition notamment la sécurité, la bonne gouvernance, la relance économique et les élections.
De son côté, le Chef du Gouvernement a dévoilé sa feuille de route pour une éducation adaptée aux réalités du XXIe siècle. Sa vision repose sur quatre axes stratégiques majeurs :
Citoyenneté : Renforcer l’engagement civique et les valeurs républicaines.
Éducation financière : Autonomiser la jeunesse face aux enjeux économiques.
Éducation numérique : Moderniser l’apprentissage par les nouvelles technologies.
Santé mentale et paix : Accompagner psychologiquement les élèves et promouvoir la cohésion sociale.
En conclusion, Alix Didier Fils-Aimé a lié le succès de cette refonte éducative aux grands chantiers politiques du moment, réitérant la volonté ferme de l’État de restaurer la sécurité sur l’ensemble du territoire et d’organiser les prochaines élections démocratiques.
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CIVICUS LENS/World Turkish News: Sewen TURKEY, ERDOGAN’S WAR AGAINST THE MAIN OPPOSITION PARTY A Red Apocalypse is Coming: Türkiye’s Democratic Uprising Protests are against the increasingly autocratic government. The Footsteps of a Red Apocalypse in Turkey Following the politically motivated arrest of a leading opposition figure, Turkey is experiencing the largest protests seen in years. What began as student protests has turned into a nationwide movement led by Generation Z challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s increasingly authoritarian rule. The protests highlight Türkiye’s democratic regression since 2002, with Erdoğan systematically eliminating independent media and the judiciary and attacking civil society. Democratic states have largely ignored Türkiye’s autocratic turn due to the country’s strategic importance as a NATO member, energy corridor, and migration buffer zone. It is time for them to start paying attention.
In recent weeks, millions of people have taken to the streets across Turkey, and they show no sign of stopping. What began as a reaction to the detention of Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu quickly transformed into a nationwide movement challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s increasingly authoritarian rule. With each passing day, the protests are growing in both size and intensity, raising questions about Türkiye’s political future. These demonstrations could be a turning point in the country’s long-running slide toward authoritarianism.
The Birth of a Movement Protests erupted on March 19th following İmamoğlu’s detention and subsequent arrest on charges of corruption and terrorism. The timing of his arrest – just weeks after announcing his presidential candidacy – immediately raised suspicions about political motivations. Authorities also invalidated İmamoğlu’s university degree; a move widely perceived as an attempt to bar him from political office.
Student protests began at Istanbul University and quickly spread to campuses in major cities such as Ankara and İzmir; These protests were accompanied by widespread class boycotts. Simultaneously, demonstrations initially led by İmamoğlu’s Republican People’s Party (CHP), but quickly evolving into a broader grassroots movement, gathered in front of the city hall.
One of the most striking aspects of these protests was their demographic composition. While earlier opposition rallies were generally attended by middle-aged supporters, today’s movement is largely led by Gen Z, with many young people protesting for the first time. While united in their anti-government stance, these young protesters continue to criticize both ruling and opposition parties, demonstrating a desire for systemic change, not just a change at the top. Their defiant slogans include “This is just the beginning, the struggle continues!” and “There is no salvation alone, either all together or no one!”
The government acted swiftly. Governors imposed unconstitutional bans on public gatherings in Istanbul and other major cities. Authorities used facial recognition technology to identify protesters and restricted entry and exit to Istanbul. By reducing internet bandwidth, they slowed down social media access and restricted the flow of information. In the early days of the protests, access to many digital platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and Twitter/X, was blocked. Hundreds of Twitter/X accounts were blocked, including those of journalists, media organizations, NGOs, and student groups. The government instructed media outlets to stop live broadcasting legal proceedings related to the İmamoğlu case, and subsequently ensured that the protests were not covered by major mainstream media channels.
At least 2,000 people were detained during the protests; among them were at least 10 journalists. 316 protesters were imprisoned awaiting trial. Police repeatedly used tear gas and rubber bullets against protesters. However, despite attempts to stop the protests, nearly one million people gathered in front of the city hall on March 23, and a week later, more than two million people demonstrated in a location far from the city center of Istanbul.
The protest movement diversified its tactics, adopting shopping boycotts as a strategic form of civil disobedience. Protesters called on people to stop spending and urged businesses to close their doors in solidarity. The government’s response was harsh; authorities detained many people, including well-known figures such as actor Cem Yiğit Özumoğlu, simply for supporting the boycott on social media. Turkish prosecutors brought charges against boycott organizers, particularly those convicted.
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